Xi Jinping’s Battle to Rule:

Interview with senior journalist Bruce Lui

 
Mr Bruce Lui, is a prominent journalist and a senior lecturer at the Hong Kong Baptist University. He used to serve as the Principal China Reporter of the Hong Kong Cable TV before switching to train the next generation of journalists. He continues to stand out for persistently seeking the hidden truths of contemporary Chinese politics. So when HKCTU invited him to speak at our “June 4 Forum”, Mr Lui immediately granted our wish as he has a clear conscience to expose the truths of the Xi Jinping’s regime to the Hong Kong people.

Growing up as a Party’s Crown Prince, “Xi Jinping’s logic of his governance can be best described as a top-down battle to defend his regime.” Mr Lui comments. The objective of this battle is to defend the power consolidated by their revolutionary fathers. After having meticulously studied the collapse of the Soviet Union, Xi considers that the decentralization of power, economic downturn, the rise of civil society and middle class were the forces that brought the Soviet Union down to her knees and gave birth to Colour Revolution. As a result, the master plan of his battle is to crush all potential challenges, no matter how insignificant they are. This explains why Xi is so eager to eliminate the power of other standing committee members in the Politburo since he came into power (such as weakening the functions of the Premier and Committee of Politics and Law). Furthermore, Xi attempts to subdue the civil society so as to prevent the potential risks of an economic downturn. In fact, the scale and scope of the suppression under Xi’s regime is far broader and deadlier than the two previous administrations. In 2015, the mass arrests of human rights’ lawyers was the deadliest of the same type of suppression over the years. Meanwhile, the crackdown of the labour activists later in the same year is also catastrophic.

 

Mr Lui believes, Xi’s power will further be consolidated after the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party, which will be held next year. Among the seven current standing committee members of the Politburo, all will have to retire except Xi himself and Premier Li Keqiang. Thus, Xi is expected to bring in more of his own henchmen into the Politburo to further strengthen his regime. At the same time, Xi has accumulated considerable political reputation among the general public from his anti-corruption campaign. Couple with China’s current economic power, it is expected that the current administration can continue to suppress civil society free of domestic and international pressure. In short, the civil society may face a dim future as Xi continues to pursue his political battle and expand its political censorship.


Regarding the nativism movement in Hong Kong, which has been fuelled in recent years; Mr Lui emphasizes that since Hong Kong has strong institutional, geographical, and cultural tides with the Mainland, it is impossible to isolate Hong Kong from the ongoing changes in China’s political landscape. In such a chaotic time, Hong Kong people would find themselves losing out if they are unable to gain a better understanding of China. For example, the National Security Law (2015) has clearly defined areas of national security. So in future, if the legislation of Article 23 of Basic Law is introduced in Hong Kong, we could only do it under the framework already laid down by the National Security Law. Thus, Hong Kong people should know China better to counter the Chinese Government’s tactic to subdue “One Country Two Systems”. Although he was often labelled as a “moron who supports Greater China” (a term often used by the nativists to insult people who are concerned about China issues), but Mr Lui would continue to expose the hidden truths of the Chinese regime with reasons and facts, to enrich our knowledge in fighting against the battle initiated by Xi Jinping.

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